“Starmer will go because he’s targeted the bedrock of British society”

Being interviewed by the Telegraph and confined to an armchair by a shattered femur and a brand-new hip, Piers Morgan is in his natural habitat: screens glowing, news channels rotating, scandal unfolding on cue. For Morgan, the current crisis engulfing Keir Starmer is not merely another Westminster wobble but the opening act of a familiar political tragedy.


From his Kensington convalescence, Morgan delivers his verdict with relish: "Starmer's toast."

The cause, in his telling, is not just a single scandal but a deeper rupture — a Labour leadership that, he argues, has misjudged where power actually lies in British politics.


"He's targeted the bedrock of British society," Morgan says, folding Mandelson, monarchy, money and morality into a single indictment.


The comparison Morgan reaches for is telling. The latest controversy around Peter Mandelson, he claims, dwarfs even Profumo — not because of sex or secrecy, but because of proximity to power, wealth and perceived hypocrisy. Mandelson, in Morgan's words, is a man repeatedly undone by himself: brilliance curdled by entitlement.





Labour's problem: loyalty over legitimacy



What Morgan is really circling, though, is not personality but party culture.


Historically, Labour removes leaders slowly, painfully, and morally. It hesitates. It agonises. It frames leadership collapse as a betrayal of values rather than a failure of delivery. When Labour leaders fall, they tend to do so under the weight of legitimacy — have they lost the right to lead?


Starmer, Morgan implies, is drifting into precisely that territory.


Labour MPs, unions and activists are tolerant of failure in office if they believe the leader still represents something bigger: fairness, solidarity, the national interest. But once a Labour leader is seen as serving power itself — donors, fixers, unelected grandees — the emotional contract snaps.


That is when Labour turns. And when it does, it rarely forgives.





Conservatives: brutal, quick, mechanical



The contrast with the Conservatives could not be sharper.


Tory leaders are removed transactionally, not morally. The question is not "Is this right?" but "Can this still work?" Once the answer becomes no, the knife comes out — swiftly and without much sentiment.


Thatcher, Major, May, Johnson, Truss: different circumstances, same pattern. The Conservative Party treats leadership as a job, not a calling. When performance collapses, the dismissal follows.


Labour, by contrast, sacks leaders as though expelling heretics.





Scandal fatigue — and the tipping point



Morgan's fixation on Epstein, kompromat, money trails and elite corruption is not accidental. His argument is that voters can tolerate many things — incompetence, blandness, even dishonesty — but not the sense that politics has collapsed into a closed club protecting itself.


"I refuse to believe a lot of them didn't know."


That sentence is doing heavy lifting. It is less about guilt than about credibility. Once a prime minister is seen as incurious, indulgent, or morally incurable, the end comes not via opposition attacks but internal erosion.





The historical pattern



Labour leaders usually fall after winning power, not before — but when they do, it is because the party concludes they have become unrecognisable to the voters they were elected to represent.


Morgan, enjoying the spectacle from his armchair, sees the signs already:


  • scandal metastasising
  • allies becoming liabilities
  • moral authority draining away



Whether Starmer actually goes is still an open question. But Morgan's larger point lands uncomfortably well: Labour leaders don't survive once their party stops believing they are different.


And if that belief has gone, no amount of party discipline will save them.



Jury service — the U-turn waiting to happen?

There's a familiar hum around Westminster again — that low, conspiratorial murmur that usually precedes a quiet retreat. This time, it's Labour MPs openly betting that Keir Starmer will be forced into another reverse, with plans to restrict jury trials already wobbling under pressure from his own benches.


Privately, MPs are saying the plan won't survive contact with Parliament. Publicly, they're sharpening the knives.





The mood music



One backbencher didn't mince words, predicting the whole idea will simply disappear:


"It looks like the whole thing will be quietly ditched."


Another senior Labour MP was even blunter about the timetable — and its political fragility:


"I would be amazed if they actually follow through with the attacks on jury trial… October is a long way away in political terms. I presume they'll dump it — quietly or otherwise."





Karl Turner breaks cover



The most striking intervention comes from Karl Turner, a rare rebel who says he has never previously broken ranks.


His verdict on the proposals was scathing:


"People are cheesed off. It's not in the manifesto. If this was the Tory government doing this, Labour MPs would be going absolutely stark raving mad — including Keir Starmer and including David Lammy."


Turner says the anger is now boiling over:


"We are absolutely seething with the government, with the prime minister and with David Lammy… I want to see him face to face on this single issue and I expect him to instruct Lammy to stop and think again."


And he's confident the Commons would block it outright:


"I am absolutely confident that if they're daft enough to put this legislation forward… I'm confident we'll defeat it."





What's actually being proposed



The plan — announced last year by Lammy — is rooted in recommendations from retired judge Sir Brian Leveson and is framed as a response to the post-Covid court backlog.


Key elements include:


  • Jury trials reserved only for the most serious offences (murder, rape)
  • Judge-only trials for cases likely to result in sentences under three years
  • Long fraud and financial cases moved out of jury courts
  • Interim "swift courts" and expanded use of magistrates



The aim: speed, efficiency, fewer jurors tied up for months.

The cost: a direct challenge to the principle of jury trial.





The déjà vu factor



Several MPs see clear parallels with last summer's welfare rebellion, when a £5bn cut was abandoned to avoid a Commons defeat. That sense of déjà vu has only grown after reports — first published by The Independent — that Rachel Reeves is already preparing to ditch plans to scrap business rates relief for pubs.


One MP summed it up neatly: this feels like another retreat being pre-loaded.





Ministers dig in — cautiously



Defending the policy in an opposition day debate last week, justice minister Sarah Sackman insisted change was unavoidable:


"Victims are waiting years for justice — over 20,000 open cases in the Crown Court backlog have been waiting for a year or more. Justice delayed is justice denied."


But even she left the door ajar:


"There will be an impact assessment before legislation is brought forward and MPs will have the opportunity to scrutinise the plans."


Translation: nothing is locked in.





Verdict



The vote hasn't even been scheduled — now postponed until at least October — and already Labour MPs are talking as if the battle is over. When backbenchers start openly predicting defeat before a bill exists, Downing Street usually gets the message.


If history is any guide, this looks less like reform in waiting — and more like the next U-turn quietly circling the runway.